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XXIII, No 1, Spring 2006 |
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WORLD
POLICY JOURNAL
Who (Really) Owns the Past?
Karl E. Meyer
The nub of what follows can be simply expressed. Who has true title to antiquities or art
treasures? Is it the country of origin? Or even a tribe? Does a good-faith purchase and possession
trump another country's laws? In any case, are art treasures or antiquities a legitimate
prize of war? Coincidentally, these questions have joined together in a media cascade
stretching from Italy and Peru to New Haven and Kennewick in the State of Washington,
spanning the centuries from pre-Columbian North America to the Second World War and
the troubled U.S. intervention in Iraq.
Anybody who dips even slightly into these matters will find that the waters are choppy.
People who care or know little about museums or collectors can foam with passion when
foreign hands are perceived as profaning a national treasure. Very wisely during the Second
World War, Gen. Dwight Eisenhower assigned a team nicknamed the Monument Men to
accompany U.S. forces in Europe to deter looting. When its members, many of them museum
curators, heard of a White House plan to assume custody, vaguely defined, of German
cultural treasures, they signed what became known as the Wiesbaden Manifesto. Drafted in
November 1945, it affirmed in part: "We wish to state that from our own knowledge, no
historical grievance will rankle so long, or be the cause of so much justified bitterness, as
the removal, for any reason, of a part of the heritage of any nation, even if that heritage
may be interpreted as a prize of war. And though this removal may be done with every intention
of altruism, we are none the less convinced that it is our duty, individually and collectively,
to protest against it."
Their protest was heeded. Major art works discovered in caves and castles by American
forces were in due course restored to their German owners, though freelance looting by
officers as well as ordinary G.I.'s was often carelessly policed. By contrast, at Stalin's orders,
so-called "trophy brigades" combed through Soviet-occupied Germany to scoop and hide
away such supreme prizes as Heinrich Schliemann's Trojan gold (now finally on public
display in Moscow's Pushkin Museum), the monumental Pergamon Altar from Berlin,
and the jeweled treasures of the Dresden Museum (the two latter trophies were returned
to Communist East Germany by Nikita Khrushchev). To this day, Moscow's refusal to
honor an agreement on reciprocal restitution signed by Mikhail Gorbachev persists as a
thorn in Russian-German relations. (The sole work of any value returned by Russia under
that accord was a stained-glass panel, stripped in 1945 from a church in Frankfurt an
der Oder.)
It happens these are matters I have studied and written about since the 1970s. From
my experience, I distill these generalizations: that no art-acquiring nation is without sin
(not even the virtuous Dutch); that the devil reposes in the fine print in all efforts at restitution,
and that the morality of the art world is as spongy as the rules meant to constrain
a global appetite for suspect treasuressuspect because they may be stolen, smuggled,
or fake.
With these strictures in mind, consider some current developments:
Item: After eight years of litigation, and more than a half-century after Herman
Goring's agents snapped up at distress prices the best of the collection, the Dutch government
agreed this March to return 202 paintings now hanging in Dutch museums to heirs
of Jacques Goudstikker, a prominent Jewish art dealer in prewar Amsterdam; around a
thousand more works from his blue-chip stock are still missing or hang elsewhere in museums
and private collections.1
Item: In what may be an auspicious precedent, the Metropolitan Museum of Art offered
in February to return to Italy a famous Greek krater that it purchased in 1971 for $1 million,
as part of an agreement under which the New York museum would be promised the
extended loan of antiquities of equal interest.2
Item: Forensic anthropologists were at last able this year to analyze the bones of Kennewick
Man, whose 9,400-year-old remains were found in 1996 on the banks of the Columbia
River in Washington; for years the skeleton was subject of an opaque legal dispute
arising from the 1990 Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPA),
meant to protect Indian sites.3
Item: After waiting nearly a century, Peru recently made formal claim to artifacts unearthed
from the Inca city of Machu Picchu in 1912 and 191415 by a freewheeling
Yankee, Hiram Bingham III, a sometime Yale historian, explorer, wartime aviator, Connecticut
governor, and U.S. senator. Yale claims Bingham divided his finds with Peru;
Peru insists it received nothing of value; the critical documents are evidently missing. Yale
has offered to share objects now in its Peabody Museum of Natural History; Peru demands
everything.4
Item: Egypt has threatened "a big legal action" against the Saint Louis Art Museum to
recover a 3,200-year-old mummy mask it acquired in 1998, claiming the relic was stolen
from Cairo's Egyptian Museum. "I will make this museum as a criminal, to be listed as a
criminal museum," declared Egypt's antiquities chief Zahi Hawass in a March interview,
adding that he would never settle for any mealy compromise, Italian-style.5
Item: Sadly and finally, the United States is the principal accessory in the most brazen
and shameful looting incident of our era, the plunder of the Iraq Museum in Baghdad on
April 10-12, 2003. At least 15,000 objects were stolen, including Sumerian sculpture, Abbasid
wooden doors, Assyrian jewelry, the head of a Babylonian terra cotta lion, and around
five thousand cylinder seals documenting the genesis of what we presume to call civilization.
This happened as U.S. occupying forces stood by under the rubric "stuff happens,"
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's lame alibi. Since then, some four thousand objects
have been returned; a thousand from Jordan, three hundred from Italy, and more than six
hundred from the United States.6
And this is but a moiety.
The Legal Flypaper
The overall dispute can be dissected into three slices. First, there are the laws, the treaties,
the conventions, the ethical codes, and all the rest of the vast coral reef of prohibitions
meant to protect cultural treasures. Second, there is the real world of dealers and collectors,
curators, and politicians, who respondor fail to respondto cries of shame and/or media
exposure. And finally, there is humanity's common interest in the preservation of great art
and artifacts; the ethical dimension.
Legally, prohibitions are unambiguous, every bit as categorical as laws against trafficking
in narcotics, yet even more difficult to enforce. The United States led the way during the Civil War, when Abraham Lincoln signed Federal Law 100, drafted by Francis Lieber, a
German-born legal scholar at Columbia College. A key passage in this first codification of
the laws of war barred the seizure of cultural treasures or scientific instruments as victor's
booty. A 1907 Hague convention on rules of land warfare built on this precedent, and its
language was invoked in the Treaty of Versailles, which, inter alia, sought reparations for
the destruction in 1914 of the Louvain Library in Belgium (the same library was again devastated
by German invaders in 1940). But the most relevant and important international
measure is the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the
Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, now formally binding
130 countries. Not only are signatories obliged to bar the importation of smuggled or
stolen cultural artifacts, but they are encouraged to enact specific bans on objects looted
from specific areasas the U.S. has creditably enacted, at the request of El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru, Mali, and Cambodia. And it is credibly asserted
that the convention has indeed hampered, if not eliminated, the traffic in monumental
stelae and sculptured fragments chopped from ancient edifices.
The problem is that restitution procedures are cumbersome and near-impossible to
enforce in the case of other undocumented objects looted from archaeological sites. How
can the victimized country press a claim when confirming evidence is lacking? Italian authorities
for decades challenged the Metropolitan Museum's account of the provenance of
the Euphronios krater, ranked among the world's finest. The American seller, Robert E.
Hecht, Jr., a resident of Rome, claimed that he acquired it from an Armenian coin dealer
in Beirut, named Dikran Sarrafian, who for decades allegedly stored the fragmented vase
in a hat box. Tracked down in his modest fourth-floor walk-up apartment by Nicholas
Gage of the New York Times, Sarrafian explained that his father had acquired the krater "by
an exchange from an amateur." He added that he was about to move to Australia, offering
this exit line, "I wasted most of my life with whores and archaeologists."
It was a story nobody believed. As a reporter-at-large for The New Yorker, I questioned
archaeologists at their principal annual meeting in 1972. "Why not an Eskimo moving to
Florida?" asked Machteld Mellink of Bryn Mawr. Harvard's George Hanfman remarked
with a smile, "My boy, there is an old Russian proverb that the earth is kept warm by people
who believe." Veteran excavators assumed, as did Italian police, that the krater had
been found by tombaroli, or pot-hunters, in an Etruscan grave. As a 1957 catalogue of the
William Randolph Hearst collection of Greek wares noted, "Almost all the vases in this
exhibition were found in Italy, where they had been exported in antiquity. So preponderant
in fact is Italy among the provenances of Greek vases that early excavators took them to be
of local Italian, or Etruscan manufacture." (The note was written by Dietrich von Bothmer,
the Metropolitans curator who promoted the purchase of the krater.)
There matters might have rested but for a police raid in 1995 on a Geneva warehouse
leased by an Italian dealer evocatively named Giacomo Medici. Not only did Medici store
his stock in permissive Switzerland, as do many vendors of museum-quality works, but he
kept a photographic record pinpointing the source of objects he had acquired. Italian authorities
tried and convicted the dealer for illegal trafficking; his ten-year sentence is under
appeal. Using the same evidence, charges were then brought against the dealer Hecht, now
an octogenarian, and against Marian True, formerly the classical curator at the lavishly endowed
J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles. And collaterally, Italian authorities reportedly
found photographs of objects that in their eyes matched works purchased by Shelby
White, a Metropolitan trustee and widow of Leon Levy, collectors of perhaps the finest
trove of classical antiquities in private hands. For decades, so insiders claimed, the couple enjoyed first-refusal rights of the choicest undocumented artifacts on the market; a few
years ago, the Metropolitan devoted a whole gallery to their collection.
Such was the concatenation of circumstances that brought Philip de Montebello, the
Met's long-serving director, to Italy, where a bargain was struck permitting the museum to
exhibit the Euphronios krater until January 2008, with the promise of long-term loans by
Italy of works of equal importance. However, the Met's director still insists that critics exaggerate
the size and importance of the illicit antiquities traffic, and believes that a time
limit of a decade or so should be fixed for claims against undocumented objects. In a panel
discussions titled "Who Owns Art?" at the New School on March 6, he also offered these
comments:
How Italy prosecuted its case in the United States is rather shabby. It was entirely
through the press. For years, we wrote countless times to the Italian ministry, to the
justice department there and so forth, asking for a direct dialogue and really never
got it. I went there with our secretary and counsel Sharon Cott in 1999 and it led
to nothing. I was there in 2003 to discuss the whole issue of the silver that the archaeologist
Malcolm Bell said, on circumstantial evidence, came from Morgantina
in Sicily, asking whether they had any hard information. I got blank stares.7
Which brings us to the practical realities of restitution.
No Fuss, No Progress
A protective covetousness is to great art museums what oxygen is to life. Inhabiting the
bloody crossroads between academia and commerce, under incessant pressure to lure crowds
with blockbuster shows, and encircled by trustees and collectors hungry for flattery, advice,
and eventual tax benefits for donated art, the museum's directors and staff are necessarily
defensive in their moated realm. Always there is concern with the slippery slope, the plausible
fear that an act of restitution will precipitate a landslide. The starkest example has
been curatorial chariness in dealing with claims against objects stolen before and during the
Second World War. "Shabby" or not, it took a media firestorm to reopen a matter that
many museum authorities assumed had been permanently closed.
First came the books. An American art historian, Hector Felliciano, discovered that
thousands of works looted by Nazis from French collectors, most but not all Jewish, had
been silently melded into France's state-operated art museums. His book, The Lost Museum:
The Nazi Conspiracy to Steal the World's Greatest Works of Art (HarperCollins, 1997) opened a
window into a dark gallery and brought about dozens of claims by victimized survivors or
their heirs. This followed The Rape of Europa (Knopf, 1994), a path-opening study by another
American art historian, Lynn H. Nichols, that documented not just the staggering
scope of wartime looting by Nazis but also recalled a 1939 auction in Lucerne, Switzerland,
at which Americans snatched up at bargain prices major works stripped from German museums
that were deemed "degenerate" in the Third Reich.
The point is that it took two generations before the West's most famous museums began
a conscientious search of suspicious provenances. After her history was published, Lynn
Nichols reported that she received calls every day from people seeking help. And a claim
that almost surely proved a turning point was pressed by a Holocaust survivor in the very
closing days of a Museum of Modern Art exhibition, "Egon Schiele: The Leopold Collection."
In January 1998, on behalf of his family, Henry Bondi, a retired chemical engineer in
Princeton, New Jersey, asserted that the Portrait of Wally, appearing on the exhibition catalogue cover, had been stolen by the Nazis, then sold in suspect circumstances to the Austrian
collector Rudolph Leopold. On the legal merits, Manhattan District Attorney Robert
Morgenthau barred the return to Austria of the disputed painting. The resulting growing
furor prompted a congressional hearing at which leading museum directors vowed that they
would research the provenance of all suspect works. art. Still, eight years on, the Portrait of
Wally remains locked in a New York warehouse as the legal mills grind slowly, in an interminable
echo of Jarndyce v. Jarndyce in Bleak House.8
As a practical matter, victimized countries like victimized families have discovered that
absent an uproar, museums obey the thermodynamics of inertia: when at rest, they stay at
rest. Yet it needs adding that countries rich in antiquities do not help their cause with draconian
legislation that criminalizes any and all sales of antiquities. There is something to
be said for the British system that provides for sharing unearthed treasures between finder
and the state, and which provides that an export license for an art treasure can be denied
if British museums or collectors match the sale price. These valid arguments have been
pressed ad tedium by dealers and collectors. Yet as a practical matter, to vary the Russian
phrase, shrimps will whistle before art-rich countries permissively revise laws and rules embedded
in the dogmas of eternal victimhood.
Still, by recasting the whole controversy, is some reasonable accommodation of conflicting
claims possible? I think it is possible, but only just.
An Honorable Grand Bargain?
How apt that the controversy over a Greek vase could seemingly provide the catalyst for a
grand and honorable bargain on the vexed matter of the plundered past. The so-called Elgin
Marbles, the carvings stripped from the Parthenon in 1801 by a British envoy armed
with a Turkish permit, is justly termed the ur-text of restitution controversies. From the
time of Greek independence, with Lord Byron as their champion, Greeks have vainly demanded
the return of the fabled sculptures that Lord Elgin had sold to the British Museum.
The marbles are an integral part of a structure that is the very symbol of Hellenic culture,
and thus represent a special case. And now the Metropolitan's agreement to yield up
the world's most celebrated Greek krater might just redefine the controversy, putting the
emphasis on stewardship, access, and preservation instead of ownership.
Thomas Hoving, the Metropolitan's former and freebooting director, once declared that
in legal fact the museum's treasures were owned by self-appointed trustees. That was true,
but not the whole truth. The museum benefits from public funds, sits tax-free on public
property, and builds its collection through tax deductions awarded donors. It is a hybrid
creature: its possessions are a public trust, and its officers are stewards accountable for preserving
and ensuring access to cultural treasures in the broadest sense. It would appear that
those purposes are served by the prospect that the Euphronios krater will be accessible after
its return to Italy, and that New Yorkers will benefit by a succession of long-term loans of
works of equal merit.
In fact, the Metropolitan has a fiduciary accountability to the attorney general of New
York State, and cannot secretly dispose of treasures bequeathed to it. And this is not just an
American principle. Decades ago, the House of Commons commissioned a portrait of Winston
Churchill by the noted artist Graham Sutherland. Churchill hated the result, possibly
because it signaled his stubborn willfulness. His widow Clementine evidently destroyed the
painting. Whatever her legal right to do so, she was justly censured for failing to protect
what was a public document of considerable value and interest. As a matter of ethics, if not
law, the same principle applies to all important works in private or public collections.
These seem to me other sensible principles that should be considered:
First, let there be a fifty-year limit on new claims made by foreign governments for return
of illegally exported antiquities. Whatever the circumstances of Peru's case against
Hiram Bingham and Yale, why wait nearly a century? By the same logic, the Egyptian
obelisks, uprooted in the nineteenth century that now rise abreast the Thames, the Seine,
and the Tiber (and within Central Park) could be claimed by Egypt. But, and it is an important
but, there should be no statute of limitations on claims for art seized by Nazis before
and during the Second World War, a suitable act of reparations for the art world's long
silence and complicity.
Second, permit a distinction between exhibiting truly ancient human remains, and
more recent skeletons. Native Americans are right to protest the museum display of their
ancestors' skulls as curiosities; we do not dig up the Pilgrim Fathers and treat their bones
as artifacts. Yet we have benefited immensely from the study of Egyptian mummies, the
Bog People of Denmark, the Ice Man found in the Alps, and sacrificial Inca remains.9 Bones
older than five hundred years, like the prehistoric remains from the State of Washington,
should be exempted from U.S. legislation meant to protect Native American remains. Finally,
it would be simple justice in restitution bargains to require that claimants devote
more funds and resources to preserving and guarding ancient sites and museums. Certainly
one's eyes are dry in reading the intemperate outburst of Egypt's director of antiquities,
since the great Egyptian Museum in Cairo has been notoriously neglected, starved of funds,
and is an easy target for thieves.
Writing in 1973, it seemed to me the world of art consisted of three elements: a casino,
a palace, and a slum. The casino is the international art market, with its perfumed chic and
golden counters, in which buyers wager on tomorrow's taste, and in which no new record
price seems outrageous. The art critic Robert Hughes wrote then in Time that in its upper
reaches, "the art market has been afflicted with a kind of collective hysteria, a St. Vitus's
dance of zeroes across the checkbook." Nowadays one needs to add three more zeroes as auction
prices soar into the empyrean. Some of the prizes go to the palacethe great museums
of the world, the richest being in the United States. But looming beyond is the slum which
I judged a "place of squalor and ignorance where things of beauty and importance are routinely
stolen or negligently permitted to crumble away."
It hasn't changed much. Italian authorities excel at righteous finger-pointing at the
United States, but failure to protect vulnerable sites like Pompeii persist as a cultural scandal.
And as always, the tombaroli shovel with impunity in the very Etruscan areas from
which the Euphronios krater was almost surely unearthed. Therein lies a tale.
The Truth about the Krater?
In 1984, during a swing through Italy, my wife Shareen Brysac and I tarried in Cerveteri,
among the richest of Etruscan sites. At the El Paso Hotel, we expressed interest in employing
a guide to accompany us through a maze of tombs, since it was essential to locate a go-
between with access to the keys of locked tombs. A guide named (as I recall) Marcello duly
turned up, and took us first to a souvenir shop where we were impressed by the uncanny
replicas of Greek vases that abounded at reasonable prices. We saw the best of the tombs
with their ingratiating wall paintings. I asked Marcello if it were true that the Euphronios
vase had been discovered by a tombarolo at Cerveteri. He not only took us to what he said
was the actual site of the find, but he pointed to the restaurant built with the $10,000 or
so paid to the lucky pot-hunter. The next morning, in the hotel lobby, as we reprised these
events, the manager remarked that he knew a lot about Cerveteri's most lucrative pastime, and indeed about the famous vase. We told him we had seen the very find spot of the celebrated
krater. He nodded agreement, then added: "But you know, the vase is still in
Cerveteri."
"How can that be, since Bob Hecht sold it to the Metropolitan?"
"Yes, but the Metropolitan's is not the real vase. It's only a copy, right down to the
cracks and chipswe're good at that here." He smiled, and winked.
Doubtless a fairy tale. But who knows? The profusion of brilliant fakes is the venereal
disorder of the antiquities traffic. When we next tour Etruria, we'll inquire again.
Notes
1. See Alan Riding, "Goring, Rembrandt, and the Little Black Book,"
New York Times, March 26, 2006.
2. See Randy Kennedy and Hugh Eakin, "Met Chief, Unbowed, Defends
Museum's Role," New York Times, February 28, 2006; Metropolitan
Museum press release, February 21, 2006.
3. See "The Untold Saga of Early Man in America," Time, March 13,
2006.
4. See Hugh Eakin, "Inca Show Pits Yale Against Peru," New York
Times, February 1, 2006.
5. See "Egypt Moves to Claim Mask from St. Louis Museum," New York
Sun, March 24-26, 2006.
6. See Milbry Polk and Angela M. H. Schuster, eds., The Looting
of the Iraqi Museum, Baghdad (New York: Harry Abrams, 2005.
7. A partial transcript of the panel was published on March 29,
2006, in a special supplement on museums in the New York Times.
8. See Judith Dobrzynski, "How Did You Get That Art in the War,
Daddy?" New York Times, January 22, 1998.
9. See Heather Pringle, The Mummy Congress: Science, Obsession,
and the Everlasting Dead (Toronto: Penguin Canada, 2002).
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